DAR ES SALAAM: A thought-provoking piece titled “Africa’s Newest Despot” appeared in The Economist on February 14, 2026. After reading it, I made a note of a few things that made me uncomfortable as a Tanzanian.
In light of President Samia’s ongoing regional recognition—the most recent being her appointment as the African Union champion for mental and child health—I instead organised my ideas and provided an explanation of what I think is appropriate.
At the AU Assembly’s 39th regular session, which took place in Addis Ababa this month, decisions were made.
According to the paper, the main mastermind behind Tanzania’s “most dangerous crisis since independence” is Samia Suluhu Hassan. That isn’t totally accurate, in my opinion.
The world, as well as the author of the article, should remember that it is equally important to view Tanzania’s recent political and social developments from a balanced point of view that addresses concerns regarding political freedoms while acknowledging both the real difficulties and the significant advancements the country is making.
As far as I know, Tanzania, a significant African country, is not an exception to the ongoing tensions surrounding elections. Countries in Africa and beyond that are struggling with youth involvement, democratic reforms, and post-election stability are going through similar processes. Tanzania stands out and inspires hope because of its unwavering commitment to regional leadership, economic expansion, and long-term development plans that benefit its people.
Understanding the post-election phase is essential. Samia Suluhu Hassan was re-elected with a resounding majority in the general election on October 29, 2025; according to official results, she received around 98% of the vote.
Naturally, the next era was marked by civic unrest, driven by complaints from the opposition, charges of irregularities, and, as is typical in many democracies, heated public discussion. Without reconsidering their involvement, some young individuals ended up in the midst of the commotion.
As observed in other nations, contested elections can be times of increased tension. In Kenya, Zambia, Nigeria, South Africa, Senegal, Uganda, and other nations, elections have periodically sparked protests and calls for change.
The globe and the article’s author should keep in mind that post-election turmoil has been observed in developed democracies outside Africa, such as the US and France, in response to close or contentious results.
Citizens, especially younger generations, are speaking out more about the need for accountable and transparent governance, which is part of a broader global political trend.
Critics argue that Tanzanian authorities overreached by enforcing curfews and other restrictions in response to disturbances, in an effort to maintain peace and safeguard the majority of Tanzanians and their belongings.
Recognising that the Tanzanian government, like any other sane government in the universe, would have acted to restore public order and stop wider violence in such circumstances is equally important. This is a duty that stateinstitutions in many nations share during times of instability.
Even as people and journalists use their citizenship journalism to voice their opinions, Tanzania’s economic trajectory remains a positive story in Africa’s development landscape despite political concerns.
Before the 2025 election, the nation had already put policies in place under Samia Suluhu Hassan’s leadership that helped stabilise the economy and attract foreign investment over the long term. Most significantly, Tanzania’s economy has been among Africa’s fastest-growing, thanks to major contributions from tourism, agriculture, mining (especially gold), and infrastructure development. As a result, Tanzania has become an economic powerhouse in East Africa.
One of the industries most severely affected by the worldwide epidemic, tourism, had recovered well by 2025, with record numbers of visitors boosting employment and foreign exchange earnings. As export earnings rose, the current account deficit narrowed and macroeconomic fundamentals stabilised. In the first quarter of 2026, inflation stood at 3.3%, a 6-month low, down from 3.6% in December 2025.
These patterns demonstrate Tanzania’s continued economic stability and potential for long-term growth in spite of political turmoil.
Tanzania’s increased involvement on the continent and in the region is another beneficial aspect of its recent history.
Tanzania has contributed positively to the advancement of peace and collaboration throughout southern and eastern Africa under President Suluhu’s direction. For instance, Tanzania has hosted significant sessions of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and supported regional election observation and dispute resolution.
At the international level, organising high-level summits of the SADC and the East African Community (EAC) on political collaboration, economic integration, and security is no easy task.
Tanzania’s standing as a stabilising factor in a region that faces insurgencies, transitional administrations, and difficult political negotiations is a result of this leadership.
While accusing President Samia of being the nation’s most dangerous architect since independence, the author of the article in The Economist neglected to acknowledge her leadership, rooted in her predecessors, as well as her infrastructure accomplishments and development partnerships.
To maintain long-term national stability and prosperity, Tanzania has continued to take decisive action on vital infrastructure and development partnerships, both domestically and globally.
To integrate Tanzania into regional and continental trade networks, agreements have been made to upgrade key transport infrastructure, such as ports and railways; partnerships with foreign investors have been formed to develop the logistics, manufacturing, and digital services sectors—all of which are essential for future job creation; and significant and strategic investments have been made in major sporting and cultural infrastructure, such as the Samia Suluhu Hassan Stadium in Arusha, which is expected to increase tourism and international sporting engagement during AFCON 2027.
Among other things, these achievements demonstrate Tanzania’s ongoing commitment to diverse, sustainable growth aligned with the nation’s Dira 2050 goal and the SDGs.
The author of the Economist piece fails to acknowledge Tanzanian culture. Tanzanian civil society organisations have been helpful amid political unrest. After the election, organisations such as the Tanzania Association for Persons with Disabilities (TAJU) emphasised the importance of maintaining a culture of peaceful coexistence and actively appealed for peace, reconciliation, and national unity.
Regardless of whether they are from Zanzibar or the mainland, many Tanzanians still place a high value on peace, solidarity, and collective progress, as these voices from inside the community demonstrate. This suggests that merit and values have influenced Tanzanians’ sense of national identity ever since the country gained its independence.
Although Tanzania’s problems are presented in harsh terms in The Economist’s piece, it is crucial to situate them within a continental framework where political evolution—often tumultuous, sometimes contentious—is a necessary component of democratic development.
Africa has seen volatile election cycles with conflicting narratives of legitimacy and transformation in nations like Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, Zambia, and Uganda, to name a few. The world is well aware that, despite being one of Africa’s biggest democracies, South Africa, for instance, is still struggling with political realignment and youth disenchantment.
Similar discussions concerning civil liberties, freedom of expression, and electoral integrity are prevalent across the continent as a result of rapid urbanisation, demographic change, and generational upheavals. Tanzania’s experience is therefore not unique; rather, it is representative of the continent’s overall process of political institution maturation.
Given the difficulties that many societies are currently facing, the author of the piece ought to have recognised that it is time to establish a space for introspection and advancement. This is clear from what is happening right now in many African countries.
High-level disputes among Kenyan national political leaders risk plunging
This is not meant to downplay worries about democratic freedoms. Protecting citizens’ rights, enhancing governance, and creating more inclusive political futures all depend on constructive criticism, whether it comes from within or outside the country. In actuality, areas for discussion, responsibility, and openness are necessary for any functioning democracy.
However, debates concerning Tanzania and the assertion that President Samia Suluhu Hassan is the country’s most dangerous crisis since independence must also be supported by evidence of progress and success rather than merely turbulent times.
In my opinion, a balanced perspective acknowledges the necessity of considering the intricacy of the post-election dynamics seen in many countries today, the justifiable goals of citizens and civil society, the state’s duty to maintain security while defending the rights of individuals and property, and—most importantly—the significance of economic growth as a basis for social stability.
Tanzania is a powerful, cohesive country on the move. It is crucial to respond to The Economist’s incisive criticism by recognising Tanzania’s entire journey, which includes notable economic growth, strategic leadership in regional integration, infrastructure advances, and ongoing national discussions about governance, rather than reducing it to binary terms such as “despot” or “crisis state”.
Tanzania is no different. Countries in Africa and around the world struggle to strike a balance between freedom and order, continuity and reform. Tanzania’s example highlights how resilient its society is and how much more can be achieved when the state, civil society, and citizens all pledge to contribute constructively. The world respects Tanzania’s handling of its affairs, and this trip is underway.
Africa’s democratic revolutions are entering a new phase, characterised by rapidly rising expectations for openness, highly mobilised youth populations, and rapid information flows through digital platforms. Given this, election disputes are becoming more frequent across the continent, and since God created the universe, what transpired in Tanzania shouldn’t be viewed as unusual or novel.
The Economist article has helped spark a vital worldwide discussion about democratic norms and governance. However, a more complex reality is hidden when Tanzania is only viewed through the prism of authoritarianism.
Tanzania is currently navigating democratic demands in a rapidly shifting regional and international landscape. Yes, it has difficulties, but it also demonstrates institutional endurance, resilience, and continuity.
Tensions following the 2025 election should be viewed as part of a broader democratic progression, one reflected in nations throughout Africa and beyond, rather than as a definitive break.
I would like to highlight that Tanzania’s future will be shaped by its people, institutions, and leaders’ capacity to transform conflict into progress and discussion into reform, not by a single election season or headline.
Tanzania’s ability to maintain its peace, growth, leadership, and unity—qualities that should define its future rather than any one moment of political tension or a newspaper headline—has also been demonstrated by the post-election period of 2025 and the way the nation, led by the Chief Commander of the Army Forces, has handled the situation, which any country faced with a similar situation could do.